2026

NEW YORK (AP) — The 2026 Eurovision Song Contest final brought acts from 25 countries to the Wiener Stadthalle arena in Vienna on Saturday night in a spirited battle for the continent’s pop crown. There was no shortage of talent, but not all songs are created equal.

If you’re a dedicated follower of Eurovision or simply curious to learn more about the contest’s best bangers, we’ve got you covered.

Here’s a list of the 10 best songs from the final, presented in no particular order.

If you’ve ever wondered what a Lady Gaga nu-metal pop song would sound like, look no further than Romania’s Eurovision entry, “Choke Me,” by Alexandra Căpitănescu. And it’s not just in her spoken-word interludes or that her delivery of “All I need is your love” is eerily reminiscent of Gaga’s “I Want Your Love.” But the track’s heaviness transforms it — and its performance is undeniable.

It began with piano and built from there: To unexpectedly groovy production, with the classist vocalist Sal Da Vinci singing his heart out to a new love. “Per Sempre Sì,” Italy’s entry, is a fun vintage romp for those who miss the Eurovision of yore. It works. And onstage Saturday, Da Vinci brought an effortless Italian charm.

If Cyprus’ Antigoni looks familiar to you, it’s likely because she was previously a bombshell on “Love Island UK.” She might’ve come and went on the super popular dating show, but her joyous “Jalla” is here to stay in 2026. It’s a summery pop song that weaves in traditional Cypriot instrumentation, including çifteli and lute, making it the perfect soundtrack to the beach vacation in your brain.

Finland’s entry electrified, as they were expected to do: They’ve been an early favorite in the competition. Linda Lampenius and Pete Parkkonen’s “Liekinheitin,” or “Flamethrower,” is an animated mashup of pop singer Parkkonen’s anguished vocals and violinist Lampenius’ fiery fiddling. He’s an “Idol” finalist; she’s a globally recognized classical musicians. It’s a winning combination.

What is there to say about Moldova’s Eurovision entry? Rapper Satoshi performs the cheekily patriotic “Viva, Moldova!” with his full heart, in several languages, in a chorus so addictive it almost recalls the anthemic work of anthemic Irish hip-hop trio Kneecap. Atop relentless flute, breakbeats, electronic production that doesn’t quit, it’s impossible not to root for them. Or, at the very least, to leave without “Welcome to Moldova!” stuck in your head.

In another universe, she’s Zara Larsson. Bulgaria’s Dara is a veteran pop performer at this stage — whose credits include “The Voice,” “The X Factor” and “Dancing with the Stars” — but global super fame has so far passed her by. Here’s hoping that changes soon, because her up-tempo pop banger “Bangaranga,” with its Nicki Minaj-inflections, is easily one of the most animated tracks of the bunch this year. And on stage, it was a mood elevator.

No Eurovision Song Contest is complete without a pop metal entry — it’s not etched into law, but it might as well be. Serbia delivered just that at the final Saturday night with the easy-listening, spooky “Kraj Mene” by Lavina. Heavy guitars are made airy with gospel harmonies. Screaming is limited and so is the breakdown. But they brought a welcomed intensity, and that’s worth celebrating.

One of the most internationally recognizable performers of the 2026 Eurovision Song Contest is Australia’s Delta Goodrem. She was a judge on Australia’s hit TV talent show “The Voice,” a former star of Australian soap “Neighbours,” and an artist mentored by Olivia Newton-John who once wrote a track called “Eyes on Me” for Celine Dion. (Dion, some might recall, won Eurovision representing Switzerland in 1988.) Goodrem’s full-throated singing style reaches new heights on her power ballad “Eclipse.” With stacked harmonies, virtuosic piano riffing and strong synth-y coda with a note that doesn’t quit, it’s a classic “Eurovision”-type tune. A wise choice from the woman from Down Under — and one that certainly resonated on Saturday night.

It opens with a cinematic chant, a churchlike choir amplifying the theatrics. Dramatic, to say the least! Then, Alis, the vocalist behind “Nân,” takes over. It plays out like the soundtrack to an emotive transitional scene in a blockbuster — and on stage at the final, it continued to hold weight: He wore what appeared to be sequined chain mail in front of a screen as a woman, depicting a mother, circled him.

What is there to say about Belgium’s Essyla? Her song “Dancing on the Ice” is a cool ride: with its chilly vocal performance and Billie Eilish-informed production, the track is a decent pop tune in and outside of Eurovision. (Think of her as in the tradition of Ava Max.) It almost makes it seem unfair that she was a runner-up on “The Voice Belgique” instead of its winner. At any rate, it seemed like she wanted to use her performance at the final as a call for justice, or at least, recognition.

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How Yemenis’ Pockets Became a Lifeline for Financing Cross-Border Wars 

When many middle-class families are struggling to buy basic food, the telecommunications sector has become a major financial channel for funding the Houthis’ war effort 

Saeed, 42, a government employee in Sanaa, has gone years without receiving a regular salary. Each morning, he checks his mobile phone—not for a job offer or salary deposit, but to see what remains of his meager balance. His screen rarely brings good news. Instead, it shows a familiar message from his telecommunications provider: “To support the Missile and Drone Force with 100 rials, send to 180.” 

Across areas controlled by the Houthis, millions of Yemenis are facing what critics describe as a carefully organized system of digital collections. At a time when many middle-class families are struggling to buy basic food, the telecommunications sector has become a major financial channel for funding the “war effort.” 

At first glance, the requested 100 rials may seem insignificant. Multiplied across millions of subscribers, it becomes a substantial revenue stream that helps finance military manufacturing and battlefield operations. For Saeed, 100 rials could buy an extra loaf of bread for his family. In the Houthis’ political and military calculations, it is presented as a “popular contribution” toward missiles and drones used on battlefronts and in regional escalation. 

What is described as a “voluntary donation” appears to go further. It reflects a systematic policy for managing resources in areas under Houthi control, redirecting money from economically exhausted Yemenis toward military spending and widening the gap between humanitarian needs and defense expenditures. 

The issue extends beyond the text messages on Saeed’s phone. Behind the 100-rial donation request linked to code “180,” and similar numbers, lies a daily struggle for survival. 

“When I receive a message asking me to support the ‘missile force,’ I feel like my phone is no longer a communication tool—it has become a mandatory piggy bank for the Houthis,” Saeed said bitterly. “They do not ask whether I can afford food for my children. Instead, they force me into a war I have nothing to do with. How can I donate to missile production when I cannot even buy a sack of flour?” 

The report explains how revenue from this vital sector is redirected toward military manufacturing, effectively turning ordinary phone subscribers into unwilling contributors to military operations extending beyond Yemen’s borders into the Red Sea and elsewhere. 

Abdulwasea, a technical engineer working for a mobile telecommunications company, described how this “money printer” operates within the sector: “We are not running marketing campaigns—we are implementing technical military orders.” 

“As soon as a military operation against targets in Saudi Arabia or Israel is announced, we receive instructions to send the messages. These codes are linked to a direct deduction system, and the money is transferred at the end of each day to designated accounts.” 

This mechanism targets millions of subscribers with relatively small sums—about 100 rials each—which can generate billions in available liquidity within hours. According to the engineer, the rapid cash flow helps finance drone programs and missile development by exploiting full control over telecommunications infrastructure and turning technology designed to connect people into a tool for financing prolonged wars of attrition. 

Conditions on the streets mirror what is happening to mobile phone balances. 

Inside his retail shop on one of Sanaa’s busy streets, Abdulwahid watches not only his customers but also the changes imposed on his business with each new occasion introduced by the Houthis. 

“My shop has shifted from being a source of income into a channel for funneling money to supervisors,” Abdulwahid said. “We do not pay zakat and taxes just once—we pay them repeatedly, under labels such as ‘supporting the frontlines’ or ‘Martyr’s Week.’ Even cleaning fees, municipal charges, and business licensing costs have multiplied several times over, without any improvement in services.” 

This parallel system does not stop at present-day taxation; it also pursues companies and banks retroactively, demanding financial records dating back to their year of establishment to collect taxes allegedly unpaid for decades, with the revenues directed toward financing the “war effort” rather than paying public sector salaries. 

The reports also indicate that these practices have weakened the regular commercial sector in favor of a new class of “war profiteers” linked to the Houthis, who benefit from the system to expand their influence. While independent small business owners such as Abdulwahid face two difficult options: submitting to the collection system or risking bankruptcy and withdrawal from the market. 

A field survey conducted for this report included a random sample of 50 participants, including telecommunications users and wholesale and retail traders in markets across the capital. 

The findings reflected the depth of the crisis. About 98% of participants—48 people—said the ongoing collections directly contributed to rising prices for essential goods and the deterioration of purchasing power, arguing that war effort levies consume money that would otherwise be spent on food and medicine for their families. 

Fear also shaped the responses. Two participants refused to speak or express any opinion, worried that the survey team could be affiliated with the Houthis and tasked with monitoring dissenting voices. Their refusal reflected widespread mistrust and fear of retaliation. 

Ultimately, Saeed’s struggle to secure bread and Abdulwahid’s fear of losing his business converge at the same point. 

After more than a decade of war that devastated Yemen and turned the “public sector salary” into a distant memory from a more stable era, Yemenis now find themselves trapped in a new cycle of collections that extends beyond financing domestic frontlines to supporting wider regional conflicts. 

Yemen, once a country seeking a political solution to its crisis, has increasingly become, critics say, a testing ground for a “trench economy”—a financial system that feeds on crises and exploits religious and nationalist sentiment to justify the extraction of citizens’ savings. 

While missiles launched across the region send political and military messages, the clearest message for people like Saeed and Abdulwahid appears on a phone screen or a payment receipt: Even the struggle for daily bread has become fuel for wars that ordinary Yemenis neither chose nor expect to gain from and may lead to more poverty. 

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Israel Assassinates Hamas Military Chief Izz al-Din al-Haddad in Gaza City  

By The Media Line Staff  

Israel’s military announced Saturday that it had killed Izz al-Din al-Haddad, identified as the chief of Hamas’ military wing, in what it described as a targeted strike in Gaza City against a senior figure involved in directing combat operations and rebuilding Hamas military capabilities. Al-Haddad was the most senior Hamas leader killed since the ceasefire was declared last October.  

According to the military, the strike targeted al-Haddad in Gaza City. Reuters reported that his wife and daughter were also killed in the attack.  

In a statement Saturday, the IDF said that despite ceasefire provisions calling for Hamas to disarm, al-Haddad had recently “acted to rebuild the capabilities of the terrorist organization’s military wing and to plan numerous terror attacks against Israeli civilians and IDF troops.”  

AFP photographs showed mourners carrying al-Haddad’s body on a stretcher wrapped in a Hamas flag through the ruins of a damaged building.  

The military said that over the past two weeks it had also two Hamas members involved in the October 7 invasion. They were identified as Iyad Muhammad Al-Matouq and Khaled Muhammad Salem Jouda.   

Separately, Hamas leadership elections ended without a final result, prompting plans for another round of voting, Ynet reported. No candidate secured victory in the first round of voting between Khalil al-Hayya and Khaled Mashal, the two leading contenders for leadership of the organization. 

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