World News

DUBAI, United Arab Emirates (AP) — A drone strike targeted the United Arab Emirates’ sole nuclear power plant on Sunday, sparking a fire on its perimeter. There were no reports of injuries or radiological release, but it highlighted the risk of renewed war as the Iran ceasefire remains tenuous.

No one immediately claimed responsibility, and the UAE did not blame anyone. It has however accused Iran of launching multiple drone and missile attacks in recent days as tensions have risen over the Strait of Hormuz, a vital energy waterway that Iran still has in a chokehold.

The United States is blockading Iranian ports and diplomatic efforts aimed at a more durable peace have repeatedly faltered. The UAE has meanwhile hosted air defenses and personnel from Israel, which joined the U.S. in the Feb. 28 attack that sparked the war.

U.S. President Donald Trump has suggested hostilities could resume, and Iranian state television has repeatedly aired segments with anchors holding Kalashnikov-style rifles in an effort to prepare the public for war. Fighting has also heated up between Israel and the Iran-backed Hezbollah militant group in Lebanon despite a nominal ceasefire there, further straining the wider truce.

The $20 billion Barakah nuclear power plant was built by the UAE with the help of South Korea and went online in 2020. It is the first and only nuclear power plant in the Arab world and can provide a quarter of all the energy needs in the UAE, a federation of seven sheikhdoms.

The UAE’s nuclear regulator said the fire didn’t affect plant safety. “All units are operating as normal,” the organization wrote on X.

The UAE statement didn’t blame any party for the attack. The Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency, the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog, said the strike caused a fire in an electrical generator and that one reactor was being powered by emergency diesel generators.

IAEA director-general Rafael Mariano Grossi expressed “grave concern” about the incident and said military activity that threatens nuclear safety is unacceptable, the agency said in a statement.

Sunday’s strike marked the first time the four-reactor Barakah plant has been targeted in the war. It is near the border with Saudi Arabia, some 225 kilometers (140 miles) west of the UAE’s capital city, Abu Dhabi.

Yemen’s Iranian-backed Houthi rebels, whom the UAE have battled as part of a Saudi-led coalition, claimed to have targeted the plant while it was under construction in 2017, something denied at the time by Abu Dhabi.

The UAE signed a strict deal with the U.S. over the power plant, known as a “123 agreement,” in which it agreed to give up domestic uranium enrichment and reprocessing of spent fuel to halt any proliferation fears. Its uranium comes from abroad.

That’s very different from the nuclear program in Iran, which is at the heart of its long-running conflict with the United States and Israel.

Iran insists its program is for peaceful purposes, but it has enriched its own uranium close to weapons-grade levels and is widely suspected of having had a military component to its program until at least 2003. It has also often restricted the work of U.N. inspectors.

Israel is widely believed to be the only nuclear-armed country in the region, but has neither confirmed nor denied having atomic weapons. Iran struck near Israel’s Dimona nuclear facility during the war.

Nuclear plants have increasingly been targeted in wars in recent years, including during Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. During the Iran war, Tehran repeatedly claimed its Bushehr nuclear power plant came under attack, though there was no direct damage to its Russian-run reactor or any radiological release.

There have been several instances of attacks around the Strait of Hormuz and Persian Gulf countries in recent weeks. Talks between Iran and the U.S. are at a standstill as the ceasefire threatens to collapse and tip the Middle East back into open warfare, prolonging the worldwide energy crisis sparked by the conflict.

Two people familiar with the situation, including an Israeli military officer, said Israel is coordinating with the U.S. about a possible resumption of attacks. The people spoke on condition of anonymity because they were discussing confidential military preparations.

Speaking to his Cabinet on Sunday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said “our eyes are also open” when it comes to Iran. He said he planned a chat with Trump later in the day to discuss the president’s trip to China and “perhaps” other things. “We are prepared for any scenario,” he said.

On Iranian state TV, presenters on at least two channels appeared armed during live programs.

In one program, Hossein Hosseini received basic firearms training from a masked member of the paramilitary Revolutionary Guard. After being shown how to prepare the weapon, Hosseini mimed firing a shot at the flag of the UAE.

On another channel, female presenter Mobina Nasiri said a weapon had been sent to her from a gathering in Tehran’s Vanak Square so she could appear armed on camera. She said: “From this platform, I declare that I am ready to sacrifice my life for this country.”

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Magdy reported from Cairo. Associated Press writers Amir Vahdat in Tehran, Iran, and Sam Mednick in Tel Aviv, Israel, contributed.

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May 17 (Reuters) – Cuba has acquired more than 300 military drones and recently began discussing plans to use them to attack the U.S. base at Guantanamo Bay, U.S. military vessels and possibly Key West, Florida, 90 miles north of Havana, Axios reported on Sunday, citing classified intelligence.

The intelligence — which could become a pretext for U.S. military action — shows the degree to which the Trump administration sees Cuba as a threat because of developments in drone warfare and the presence of Iranian military advisers in Havana, a senior U.S. official told the publication.

Reuters could not immediately verify the report.

(Reporting by Ruchika Khanna in Bengaluru)

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By Camillus Eboh

ABUJA, May 17 (Reuters) – At least 17 police officers were killed in Nigeria’s northeast Yobe state after suspected Islamist militants attacked a specialised military school that also trains police officers, the national police spokesman said late on Saturday. 

Nigeria has been battling an Islamist insurgency in its northeast for over 18 years.

In a different area of the northeast, the Lake Chad Basin, the second in command of ISIS globally, was killed in an operation conducted by U.S. and Nigerian forces early on Saturday, U.S. President Donald Trump and his Nigerian counterpart Bola Ahmed Tinubu said. 

The 17 police officers were killed on Friday during an attack on the Nigerian Army Special Forces School at Buni Yadi in Yobe state, police spokesman Anthony Okon Placid said in a statement.

“The officers, who were undergoing specialised operational training at the institution, lost their lives when the militants launched a coordinated attack on the facility from multiple directions,” Placid said.

He said several soldiers were also killed, though he did not give a figure for military casualties. 

The Nigerian military did not immediately respond to a request for comment. 

The violence in Nigeria’s northeast began with Boko Haram’s uprising in 2009. The militant group later splintered, giving rise to the offshoot the Islamic State West Africa Province, which has intensified attacks on military bases and security personnel.

Abu-Bilal al-Minuki, whose killing in a joint U.S.-Nigerian operation was confirmed by Trump and Tinubu, was a senior commander of ISWAP.

The Nigerian government has established specialised military institutions, such as the training school that was attacked, to try to tackle the terrorist threat.

(Reporting by Camillus Eboh; editing by Barbara Lewis)

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MALE, Maldives (AP) — Three Finnish divers arrived in the Maldives Sunday to draw up a fresh plan in the search for the bodies of four Italian divers believed to be deep inside an underwater cave. The initial search was suspended after a local military diver died during a perilous mission to try to reach them.

The group of five Italian divers is believed to have died while exploring a cave at a depth of about 50 meters (160 feet) in Vaavu Atoll on Thursday, according to Italy’s Foreign Ministry. The recreational diving limit in the Maldives is 30 meters (98 feet).

Maldives presidential spokesperson Mohamed Hussain Shareef said the search was suspended after Mohamed Mahudhee, a member of the Maldivian National Defense Force, died of underwater decompression sickness after being transferred to a hospital in the capital on Saturday.

Shareef said Sunday that three Finnish divers, experts in deep and cave diving, have arrived in the archipelago nation and joined the Maldives coastguard in a meeting aimed at mapping a new search strategy.

Mahudhee was buried with military honors in a funeral attended by President Mohamed Muizzu on Saturday night. The diver was part of the group that had briefed Muizzu on the rescue plan when he visited the search site on Friday.

Rough weather has repeatedly hampered rescue efforts.

Search operations on Saturday involved eight local divers who worked in shifts to locate the bodies, the Italian Foreign Ministry said. Initial teams had already dived to identify and mark the entrance to the cave system where the Italians disappeared. The cause of the deaths remains under investigation.

Italy’s Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani said everything possible would be done to bring the victims home. He offered his condolences for the death of the Maldivian diver during the rescue efforts.

The victims have been identified as Monica Montefalcone, an associate professor of ecology at the University of Genoa; her daughter, Giorgia Sommacal; marine biologist Federico Gualtieri; researcher Muriel Oddenino; and diving instructor Gianluca Benedetti, according to the Maldivian government.

Benedetti’s body was recovered on Thursday from near the mouth of the cave. Authorities believe the remaining four had entered the cave.

Montefalcone and Oddenino were in the Maldives on an official scientific mission to monitor marine environments and study the effects of climate change on tropical biodiversity, the University of Genoa said in a statement Friday. However, the scuba diving activity during which the deadly accident occurred was not part of the planned research and was “undertaken privately,” it said.

The statement also said the two other victims — student Sommacal and recent graduate Gualtieri — were not involved in the scientific mission.

Carlo Sommacal, Montefalcone’s husband and Giorgia’s father, expressed doubts over the accident, saying that “something must have happened down there” given his wife and daughter’s extensive experience.

Speaking to Italian TV, he described Montefalcone as a careful and highly disciplined diver who would never put her daughter or other colleagues at risk.

The Italian tour operator that managed the diving trip denied authorizing or knowing about the deep dive that violated local limits, its lawyer told Italian daily Corriere della Sera on Saturday.

Orietta Stella, representing Albatros Top Boat, said the operator “did not know” the group planned to descend beyond 30 meters. That threshold requires special permission from Maldivian maritime authorities and the tour operator “would have never allowed it,” she said.

The dive far exceeded what was planned for a scientific cruise focused on coral sampling at standard depths, Stella added. The victims were experienced divers, but the equipment used appeared to be standard recreational gear rather than technical equipment suited for deep cave diving, she said.

Cave diving is a highly technical and dangerous activity that requires specialized training, equipment and strict safety protocols. Risks increase sharply in environments where divers cannot head straight up and at depth, particularly when conditions are poor. Experts say it’s easy to become disoriented or lost inside caves, particularly as sediment clouds can sharply reduce visibility.

Diving at 50 meters also exceeds the maximum depth recommended for recreational divers by most major established scuba certifying agencies, with depths beyond 40 meters (131 feet) considered technical diving and requiring specialized training and equipment.

The Italian Foreign Ministry said the cave is divided into three large chambers connected by narrow passages. Recovery teams explored two of the three chambers on Friday, but the search was limited due to considerations over oxygen and decompression.

Italian officials said that around 20 other Italians on the same expedition aboard the vessel “Duke of York” were safe. Italy’s embassy in Colombo was providing assistance to those onboard and had contacted the Red Crescent, which offered to deploy volunteers to help provide psychological aid.

The Maldives Tourism Ministry said it suspended the operating license of the “Duke of York” pending an investigation.

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LE CAIRE, 17 mai (Reuters) – Des frappes israéliennes ont tué au moins quatre personnes dans la bande de Gaza dimanche, a-t-on appris de responsables de santé.

Des médecins ont rapporté qu’une frappe israélienne avait tué un Palestinien près d’un poste de police de Khan Younes, dans le sud de l’enclave palestinienne.

L’armée israélienne dit avoir tué un combattant qui représentait une menace imminente pour ses soldats opérant dans le sud de la bande de Gaza.

Une attaque distincte a tué au moins trois personnes dans une cuisine communautaire près de l’hôpital Al Aqsa à Deïr al Balah dans le centre de l’enclave, selon des médecins gazaouis.

L’armée israélienne n’a pas commenté ce dernier incident.

Les pourparlers indirects entre Israël et le Hamas depuis le cessez-le-feu sont au point mort et le plan de Donald Trump pour reconstruire l’enclave palestinienne peine à voir le jour.

Israël a intensifié ses attaques dans la bande de Gaza depuis la suspension début avril de sa campagne de bombardements contre l’Iran menée avec les Etats-Unis.

Samedi, Israël a éliminé Izz al Din al Haddad, le chef de la branche armée du Hamas à Gaza.

(Reportage de Nidal al-Mughrabi; version française Zhifan Liu)

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MIAMI (AP) — Venezuela’s government said Saturday it deported a close ally of Nicolás Maduro to face judicial proceedings in the U.S. less than three years after the business owner was pardoned by President Joe Biden as part of a prisoner swap.

The decision marks a stark reversal for Alex Saab, who Maduro fought tooth and nail to bring home after his previous international arrest in 2020. Now, the Colombian-born business owner, long described by U.S. officials as Maduro’s “bag man,” may be asked to testify against his former protector, who is awaiting trial on drug charges in Manhattan after being captured in a shock raid by the U.S. military in January.

The Venezuelan immigration authority in a short statement Saturday did not explicitly say where it had sent Saab but said the decision was made based on several ongoing criminal investigations in the U.S. The statement’s reference to Saab only as a “Colombian citizen” may have been a nod to Venezuelan law, which prohibits the extradition of its nationals. Following his last arrest, Maduro and acting President Delcy Rodríguez claimed that Saab was a Venezuelan diplomat who had been illegally detained during a refueling stop while en route to Iran for an important humanitarian mission.

The Associated Press reported in February that federal prosecutors have been digging for months into Saab’s role in an alleged bribery conspiracy involving Venezuelan government contracts to import food.

The investigation stems from a 2021 case the Justice Department brought against Saab’s longtime partner, Alvaro Pulido, a former law enforcement official said. That prosecution, out of Miami, centers around the so-called CLAP program set up by Maduro to provide staples — rice, corn flour, cooking oil — to poor Venezuelans struggling to feed themselves at a time of rampant hyperinflation and a crumbling currency.

Saab, 54, amassed a fortune through Venezuelan government contracts. But he fell out of favor with the country’s new leadership that took power following Maduro’s ouster. Since taking over from Maduro on Jan. 3, Rodríguez demoted Saab, firing him from her Cabinet and stripping him of his role as the main conduit for foreign companies looking to invest in Venezuela. For months conflicting news accounts have circulated that he was imprisoned or under house arrest.

The Justice Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

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Associated Press writer Eric Tucker contributed to this report from Washington

Venezuelan law prohibits the extradition of its own nationals,

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NEW YORK (AP) — The 2026 Eurovision Song Contest final brought acts from 25 countries to the Wiener Stadthalle arena in Vienna on Saturday night in a spirited battle for the continent’s pop crown. There was no shortage of talent, but not all songs are created equal.

If you’re a dedicated follower of Eurovision or simply curious to learn more about the contest’s best bangers, we’ve got you covered.

Here’s a list of the 10 best songs from the final, presented in no particular order.

If you’ve ever wondered what a Lady Gaga nu-metal pop song would sound like, look no further than Romania’s Eurovision entry, “Choke Me,” by Alexandra Căpitănescu. And it’s not just in her spoken-word interludes or that her delivery of “All I need is your love” is eerily reminiscent of Gaga’s “I Want Your Love.” But the track’s heaviness transforms it — and its performance is undeniable.

It began with piano and built from there: To unexpectedly groovy production, with the classist vocalist Sal Da Vinci singing his heart out to a new love. “Per Sempre Sì,” Italy’s entry, is a fun vintage romp for those who miss the Eurovision of yore. It works. And onstage Saturday, Da Vinci brought an effortless Italian charm.

If Cyprus’ Antigoni looks familiar to you, it’s likely because she was previously a bombshell on “Love Island UK.” She might’ve come and went on the super popular dating show, but her joyous “Jalla” is here to stay in 2026. It’s a summery pop song that weaves in traditional Cypriot instrumentation, including çifteli and lute, making it the perfect soundtrack to the beach vacation in your brain.

Finland’s entry electrified, as they were expected to do: They’ve been an early favorite in the competition. Linda Lampenius and Pete Parkkonen’s “Liekinheitin,” or “Flamethrower,” is an animated mashup of pop singer Parkkonen’s anguished vocals and violinist Lampenius’ fiery fiddling. He’s an “Idol” finalist; she’s a globally recognized classical musicians. It’s a winning combination.

What is there to say about Moldova’s Eurovision entry? Rapper Satoshi performs the cheekily patriotic “Viva, Moldova!” with his full heart, in several languages, in a chorus so addictive it almost recalls the anthemic work of anthemic Irish hip-hop trio Kneecap. Atop relentless flute, breakbeats, electronic production that doesn’t quit, it’s impossible not to root for them. Or, at the very least, to leave without “Welcome to Moldova!” stuck in your head.

In another universe, she’s Zara Larsson. Bulgaria’s Dara is a veteran pop performer at this stage — whose credits include “The Voice,” “The X Factor” and “Dancing with the Stars” — but global super fame has so far passed her by. Here’s hoping that changes soon, because her up-tempo pop banger “Bangaranga,” with its Nicki Minaj-inflections, is easily one of the most animated tracks of the bunch this year. And on stage, it was a mood elevator.

No Eurovision Song Contest is complete without a pop metal entry — it’s not etched into law, but it might as well be. Serbia delivered just that at the final Saturday night with the easy-listening, spooky “Kraj Mene” by Lavina. Heavy guitars are made airy with gospel harmonies. Screaming is limited and so is the breakdown. But they brought a welcomed intensity, and that’s worth celebrating.

One of the most internationally recognizable performers of the 2026 Eurovision Song Contest is Australia’s Delta Goodrem. She was a judge on Australia’s hit TV talent show “The Voice,” a former star of Australian soap “Neighbours,” and an artist mentored by Olivia Newton-John who once wrote a track called “Eyes on Me” for Celine Dion. (Dion, some might recall, won Eurovision representing Switzerland in 1988.) Goodrem’s full-throated singing style reaches new heights on her power ballad “Eclipse.” With stacked harmonies, virtuosic piano riffing and strong synth-y coda with a note that doesn’t quit, it’s a classic “Eurovision”-type tune. A wise choice from the woman from Down Under — and one that certainly resonated on Saturday night.

It opens with a cinematic chant, a churchlike choir amplifying the theatrics. Dramatic, to say the least! Then, Alis, the vocalist behind “Nân,” takes over. It plays out like the soundtrack to an emotive transitional scene in a blockbuster — and on stage at the final, it continued to hold weight: He wore what appeared to be sequined chain mail in front of a screen as a woman, depicting a mother, circled him.

What is there to say about Belgium’s Essyla? Her song “Dancing on the Ice” is a cool ride: with its chilly vocal performance and Billie Eilish-informed production, the track is a decent pop tune in and outside of Eurovision. (Think of her as in the tradition of Ava Max.) It almost makes it seem unfair that she was a runner-up on “The Voice Belgique” instead of its winner. At any rate, it seemed like she wanted to use her performance at the final as a call for justice, or at least, recognition.

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How Yemenis’ Pockets Became a Lifeline for Financing Cross-Border Wars 

When many middle-class families are struggling to buy basic food, the telecommunications sector has become a major financial channel for funding the Houthis’ war effort 

Saeed, 42, a government employee in Sanaa, has gone years without receiving a regular salary. Each morning, he checks his mobile phone—not for a job offer or salary deposit, but to see what remains of his meager balance. His screen rarely brings good news. Instead, it shows a familiar message from his telecommunications provider: “To support the Missile and Drone Force with 100 rials, send to 180.” 

Across areas controlled by the Houthis, millions of Yemenis are facing what critics describe as a carefully organized system of digital collections. At a time when many middle-class families are struggling to buy basic food, the telecommunications sector has become a major financial channel for funding the “war effort.” 

At first glance, the requested 100 rials may seem insignificant. Multiplied across millions of subscribers, it becomes a substantial revenue stream that helps finance military manufacturing and battlefield operations. For Saeed, 100 rials could buy an extra loaf of bread for his family. In the Houthis’ political and military calculations, it is presented as a “popular contribution” toward missiles and drones used on battlefronts and in regional escalation. 

What is described as a “voluntary donation” appears to go further. It reflects a systematic policy for managing resources in areas under Houthi control, redirecting money from economically exhausted Yemenis toward military spending and widening the gap between humanitarian needs and defense expenditures. 

The issue extends beyond the text messages on Saeed’s phone. Behind the 100-rial donation request linked to code “180,” and similar numbers, lies a daily struggle for survival. 

“When I receive a message asking me to support the ‘missile force,’ I feel like my phone is no longer a communication tool—it has become a mandatory piggy bank for the Houthis,” Saeed said bitterly. “They do not ask whether I can afford food for my children. Instead, they force me into a war I have nothing to do with. How can I donate to missile production when I cannot even buy a sack of flour?” 

The report explains how revenue from this vital sector is redirected toward military manufacturing, effectively turning ordinary phone subscribers into unwilling contributors to military operations extending beyond Yemen’s borders into the Red Sea and elsewhere. 

Abdulwasea, a technical engineer working for a mobile telecommunications company, described how this “money printer” operates within the sector: “We are not running marketing campaigns—we are implementing technical military orders.” 

“As soon as a military operation against targets in Saudi Arabia or Israel is announced, we receive instructions to send the messages. These codes are linked to a direct deduction system, and the money is transferred at the end of each day to designated accounts.” 

This mechanism targets millions of subscribers with relatively small sums—about 100 rials each—which can generate billions in available liquidity within hours. According to the engineer, the rapid cash flow helps finance drone programs and missile development by exploiting full control over telecommunications infrastructure and turning technology designed to connect people into a tool for financing prolonged wars of attrition. 

Conditions on the streets mirror what is happening to mobile phone balances. 

Inside his retail shop on one of Sanaa’s busy streets, Abdulwahid watches not only his customers but also the changes imposed on his business with each new occasion introduced by the Houthis. 

“My shop has shifted from being a source of income into a channel for funneling money to supervisors,” Abdulwahid said. “We do not pay zakat and taxes just once—we pay them repeatedly, under labels such as ‘supporting the frontlines’ or ‘Martyr’s Week.’ Even cleaning fees, municipal charges, and business licensing costs have multiplied several times over, without any improvement in services.” 

This parallel system does not stop at present-day taxation; it also pursues companies and banks retroactively, demanding financial records dating back to their year of establishment to collect taxes allegedly unpaid for decades, with the revenues directed toward financing the “war effort” rather than paying public sector salaries. 

The reports also indicate that these practices have weakened the regular commercial sector in favor of a new class of “war profiteers” linked to the Houthis, who benefit from the system to expand their influence. While independent small business owners such as Abdulwahid face two difficult options: submitting to the collection system or risking bankruptcy and withdrawal from the market. 

A field survey conducted for this report included a random sample of 50 participants, including telecommunications users and wholesale and retail traders in markets across the capital. 

The findings reflected the depth of the crisis. About 98% of participants—48 people—said the ongoing collections directly contributed to rising prices for essential goods and the deterioration of purchasing power, arguing that war effort levies consume money that would otherwise be spent on food and medicine for their families. 

Fear also shaped the responses. Two participants refused to speak or express any opinion, worried that the survey team could be affiliated with the Houthis and tasked with monitoring dissenting voices. Their refusal reflected widespread mistrust and fear of retaliation. 

Ultimately, Saeed’s struggle to secure bread and Abdulwahid’s fear of losing his business converge at the same point. 

After more than a decade of war that devastated Yemen and turned the “public sector salary” into a distant memory from a more stable era, Yemenis now find themselves trapped in a new cycle of collections that extends beyond financing domestic frontlines to supporting wider regional conflicts. 

Yemen, once a country seeking a political solution to its crisis, has increasingly become, critics say, a testing ground for a “trench economy”—a financial system that feeds on crises and exploits religious and nationalist sentiment to justify the extraction of citizens’ savings. 

While missiles launched across the region send political and military messages, the clearest message for people like Saeed and Abdulwahid appears on a phone screen or a payment receipt: Even the struggle for daily bread has become fuel for wars that ordinary Yemenis neither chose nor expect to gain from and may lead to more poverty. 

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Israel Assassinates Hamas Military Chief Izz al-Din al-Haddad in Gaza City  

By The Media Line Staff  

Israel’s military announced Saturday that it had killed Izz al-Din al-Haddad, identified as the chief of Hamas’ military wing, in what it described as a targeted strike in Gaza City against a senior figure involved in directing combat operations and rebuilding Hamas military capabilities. Al-Haddad was the most senior Hamas leader killed since the ceasefire was declared last October.  

According to the military, the strike targeted al-Haddad in Gaza City. Reuters reported that his wife and daughter were also killed in the attack.  

In a statement Saturday, the IDF said that despite ceasefire provisions calling for Hamas to disarm, al-Haddad had recently “acted to rebuild the capabilities of the terrorist organization’s military wing and to plan numerous terror attacks against Israeli civilians and IDF troops.”  

AFP photographs showed mourners carrying al-Haddad’s body on a stretcher wrapped in a Hamas flag through the ruins of a damaged building.  

The military said that over the past two weeks it had also two Hamas members involved in the October 7 invasion. They were identified as Iyad Muhammad Al-Matouq and Khaled Muhammad Salem Jouda.   

Separately, Hamas leadership elections ended without a final result, prompting plans for another round of voting, Ynet reported. No candidate secured victory in the first round of voting between Khalil al-Hayya and Khaled Mashal, the two leading contenders for leadership of the organization. 

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KIGALI, Rwanda (AP) — A Rwandan suspect charged in connection with the 1994 genocide died in a hospital while in custody in The Hague, Netherlands, a U.N. court said Saturday, three years after the court declared him unfit to continue standing trial.

Félicien Kabuga, 91, was accused of encouraging and bankrolling the mass killing of Rwanda’s Tutsi minority. His trial began in 2022, nearly three decades after the 100-day massacre that left 800,000 dead.

In 2023, the judges declared him unfit to continue standing trial because he had dementia and said they would establish a procedure to continue hearing evidence without the possibility of convicting him.

On Saturday, the U.N. International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals said in a statement that Kabuga died while hospitalized in The Hague, and the medical officer of the U.N. Detention Unit was notified immediately.

An investigation into his death has been ordered to establish the circumstances of how he died, the statement said.

An arrest warrant for Kabuga was issued in 2013, and a $5 million bounty was announced. He was arrested in 2020 in France, and his trial started in 2022.

Kabuga was charged with genocide, incitement to commit genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, as well as persecution, extermination and murder. He pleaded not guilty. If he had been convicted, he would have faced a maximum sentence of life imprisonment.

After the court declared him unfit to stand trial, he remained in detention, pending the resolution of the issue of his provisional release to a state willing to accept him on its territory.

His lawyer had said that he wouldn’t return to his home country, Rwanda, which had offered to take him, as he feared he would be mistreated.

The declaration that he was unfit for trial angered many genocide survivors in Rwanda, who felt his crimes deserved the maximum sentence.

The genocide was triggered on April 6, 1994, when a plane carrying President Juvénal Habyarimana was shot down and crashed in the capital, Kigali, killing the leader who, like the majority of Rwandans, was an ethnic Hutu. Kabuga’s daughter married Habyarimana’s son.

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