Politics

By Mike Scarcella

WASHINGTON, Aug 14 (Reuters) – A U.S. federal appeals court handed President Donald Trump’s administration a legal victory on Friday in its efforts to seek data from providers of transgender healthcare to minors, reinstating a Justice Department subpoena that a lower court had blocked as politically motivated.

In its ruling, a divided panel of the San Francisco-based 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals said a federal judge in Seattle wrongly concluded the Justice Department’s subpoena was issued in bad faith in a lawsuit brought by telehealth provider QueerDoc.

QueerDoc provides gender-affirming care for patients, including minors, diagnosed with gender dysphoria, which is distress from a mismatch between a patient’s sex at birth and gender identity. The subpoena, part of a wave of similar demands from the Trump administration to hospitals and clinics across the country, sought personnel records, billing information, patient records and other information.

“The President may direct DOJ to exercise its statutory authority in a manner that aligns with his broader policy goals,” wrote Circuit Judge Carlos Bea, who was appointed by former President George W. Bush. He was joined by Trump appointee Circuit Judge Daniel Bress. Circuit Judge Richard Paez wrote a dissent.

QueerDoc founder and Chief Executive Crystal Beal in a statement said, “Every patient deserves to know they can seek medical care without fear that their most personal health information will become a tool of political investigation.”

Brett Shumate, head of the Justice Department’s civil division, said in a post on X that the court’s order confirms the agency “can investigate whether hospitals that provide cross-sex hormones and puberty blockers to children have complied with federal law because the trans medical industry is not above the law.”

TRUMP ORDERED END TO FUNDING GENDER-AFFIRMING CARE

After taking office in January, Trump signed an executive order ending federal funding or support for gender-affirming care ​for transgender youth, and directing the Justice Department to prioritize investigations into such treatments.

Friday’s ruling marked the first time a U.S. appeals court has upheld a subpoena from the Trump administration’s Justice Department targeting hospitals and clinics that provide gender-affirming care to minors. Many lower court judges have blocked the demands.

The Justice Department argued in the appeal its subpoena was one “that the Department issues all the time in the healthcare space — seeking records so it can duly investigate potential federal offenses.” 

In his dissent, Paez, an appointee of former President Bill Clinton, said there was “a mountain of evidence that corroborates that DOJ used the threat of criminal investigation to pressure healthcare providers to stop offering gender-affirming care.”

The court did not order QueerDoc to produce the documents sought by the subpoena. It sent the case back to U.S. District Judge Jamal Whitehead in Seattle to rule on QueerDoc’s arguments that the subpoena is overbroad and would impose an undue burden on the small clinic.

(Reporting by Mike Scarcella; Editing by David Bario, Rod Nickel and Cynthia Osterman)

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ARLINGTON, Iowa (AP) — Farmer Tim Burrack had concerns about the Republican nominee for Iowa governor — and he wasn’t the only one.

The conservative voter from northeast Iowa said he didn’t know Zach Lahn before the political newcomer “came out of nowhere” with a surprise GOP primary win over the candidate endorsed by President Donald Trump. So when Lahn came to his farm last week, Burrack questioned him on his approach to agriculture.

“I hit him pretty hard,” said Burrack, who was considering whether to vote for Lahn in November or not vote at all.

It wasn’t the first skeptical audience for the self-described “change candidate” in the state led by Republicans.

Lahn won the June primary even though an “entire establishment was set up against me,” he said. He criticizes politicians in both parties, accusing them of being bought by corporate interests. His bid for governor will test how an anti-establishment conservative fares with a general electorate — and with traditional Republicans — a decade after Trump’s own brand of populism reshaped the GOP.

While Iowa Republicans have an electoral advantage, Lahn entered the general election with a lower public profile than his Democratic opponent, state Auditor Rob Sand. Democrats see an opportunity to win this cycle in once-competitive Iowa, where high costs, health clinic closures, manufacturing job losses and a struggling agricultural economy weigh on voters.

Lahn talks about bringing a “different message” to Iowans who aren’t satisfied with the trajectory of Iowa’s small towns, public education or cancer rates, even after years of Republican control of state government. But only three months before Election Day, Lahn acknowledged he needs to keep getting out in front of people to address their questions and concerns.

“I think, for the most part, a lot of people just have never heard my message,” Lahn said after the event at Burrack’s farm in Arlington. “The more we’ve met with people, the more they understand where our priorities lie, the more they say, ‘We are with you.’”

Some of Lahn’s ideas challenge the Republican Party’s status quo. Among them is his approach to agriculture and embrace of the “Make America Healthy Again” movement, which has prompted questions in the state that’s among the nation’s top producers of corn, soybeans, red meat and ethanol. Lahn promotes regenerative farming; emphasizes a link between high nitrate-loaded water and cancer; and questions the safety of agrochemicals.

Before Lahn took the stage in Arlington to talk agriculture, farmer Lance Lillibridge, a former president of the Iowa Corn Growers Association, told the couple hundred Iowans there that the goal was to “get the air clear.”

In front of a huge American flag and sandwiched between two freshly washed John Deere tractors, Lahn said, “We farm a bit weird” on his own Iowa acres, growing oats, alfalfa and einkorn along with corn and beans.

But he told the crowd he wants to fund farmers’ efforts to diversify their operations, not force Iowans to farm like him. He said targeting “big ag” means filing antitrust lawsuits against corporate conglomerates that sell seed and fertilizer and taxing out-of-state investors consolidating Iowa acres, not stepping on family farms. He wants to see more incentives to improve water quality but wouldn’t try to outright ban agrochemicals.

Burrack, like Lahn, says that they won’t agree on everything. But after talking with Lahn, he called himself a supporter.

At another stop, a few dozen faces crowded at the back of a coffee shop in Hampton, Iowa, just after the lunch rush. Many of them were familiar with each other but less so with the candidate they came to see. Among them were Jay and Sally Van Wert, retired farmer and teacher, who said Lahn seemed like a nice guy, but they didn’t know much else.

Several Iowans attending some of Lahn’s first publicly advertised events since the primary said they only knew what they’ve seen in advertisements from Sand’s campaign. The ads call Lahn a “part-time Iowan” and reference dozens of occasions where Lahn piloted his private plane to and from Kansas since launching his campaign.

“Is he going all the time to Kansas?” asked Larry Streicher, 84, a Republican farmer in the front row in Arlington. “We don’t know anything about him.”

Lahn said he left Iowa for college like so many others but wanted to come home, amplifying a nostalgia for Iowa culture and heritage that resonated with voters, not unlike Trump’s “Make America Great Again” message.

He left Iowa again to start a private school funded by the Koch family, which opened in Kansas in 2018. He co-founded the school with his now-wife, Annie, who had been married to Chase Koch, son of conservative billionaire Charles Koch.

Lahn told the crowds he and Annie moved into their Belle Plaine, Iowa, homestead in 2023 after finishing renovations. Lahn bought the farm that had been in his family for a century but sold it after his great-grandmother died.

Douglas Puffett, a farmer from Strawberry Point and member of his county’s GOP central committee, said Lahn’s story is like so many other Iowans’ and his vision for Iowa is driven by what drew him back.

“That’s how you inspire the next generation,” said the 40-year-old, who appreciates that Lahn, also 40, is young and has young kids.

Lahn has explained that trips to Kansas are due to his blended family, which includes children from his and Annie’s previous marriages. He doesn’t comment on whether he would travel or use taxpayer resources to do so if elected governor, saying it would not impact his ability to govern.

Puffett, who attended Lahn’s Arlington event, thinks 10 years of Republican trifecta have given Sand an opening to appeal to people who might be unhappy with the “Republican establishment,” he said, but Lahn “stacks up really nice” with his calls for reform.

“I think it’s time to kind of roll over the leadership of the Republican Party here in Iowa,” he said.

Gov. Kim Reynolds’ decision to not seek a third term gave Republicans their first wide-open primary since 2010, and five candidates were on the ballot. Lahn overtook U.S. Rep. Randy Feenstra by less than a percentage point, or about 1,650 more votes.

Lahn told crowds that he only met Reynolds after the primary, a signal of his distance from Iowa politics. Speaking at the state party’s fundraiser in July, he joked about all the donors who “haven’t been returning my calls” all being in one room.

Since his primary win, Lahn has met with party leaders and Iowa’s prominent industry groups. His campaign spent the summer ramping up fundraising, staff and organizing infrastructure.

State Rep. Bobby Kaufmann, who is the majority leader of House Republicans, said there may be some differences of opinion or “curiosities, not concerns” about Lahn’s positions, but added that’s always the case.

Kaufmann met Lahn earlier this year, voted for him in June and said there’s been a “full embrace” of the nominee. He said Lahn is not a traditional candidate, but that’s what makes his campaign energizing for Republicans who are “constantly craving new leadership.”

“I think it began back in 2016 with President Trump,” Kaufmann said. “Republicans don’t rest on our laurels.”

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By Mike Scarcella

WASHINGTON, Aug 14 (Reuters) – President Donald Trump’s administration asked the U.S. Supreme Court on Friday to allow it to continue construction of his $400 million White House ballroom after an appeals court ruled the project lacked the necessary approval from Congress.

The Trump administration asked the justices to keep the ruling by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit on hold while it prepares a full appeal to the Supreme Court.

Justice Department lawyers, in their filing, echoed Trump’s contention that the ballroom project is a security necessity. Citing numerous assassination attempts against Trump, the lawyers described the project as “vitally required by national security.”    

“This case involves an extraordinary and unlawful injunction that will halt the ongoing construction of the integrated military complex, including a totally secure ballroom space, at the East Wing of the White House, which is vitally required by national security,” they wrote.

The D.C. Circuit in a 2-1 ruling on August 7 upheld a lower-court judge’s order directing the administration to halt above-ground construction.

“Whether or not a massive ballroom should be constructed is for Congress to decide and is not a matter for Executive self-help,” the panel wrote. 

The appeals court had paused its order from taking effect for 14 days to allow the Trump administration to challenge it at the Supreme Court.

The National Trust for Historic Preservation brought the case last year after the administration tore down the East Wing and began building a 90,000-square-foot (8,360-square-meter) ballroom without seeking authorization from Congress.

The National Trust in a statement on Friday urged the Supreme Court to turn down the administration’s appeal.

“The Administration brazenly asserted to the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals that even if Ballroom construction were unlawful, not even the Supreme Court had authority to stop it,” the National Trust said. “The Administration’s transparent efforts to evade the rule of law, frustrate judicial review, and limit the availability of meaningful relief in the courts must stop here.”

Trump has said the ballroom project serves national security requirements, and referred to the structure as a “military center” in a post on Truth Social earlier this month. He called the D.C. Circuit’s decision “horrendous” and politically motivated and said it left him, other White House officials and visitors exposed to attack.

“This unjust decision must be overturned by the Supreme Court in its entirety,” Trump wrote. He said the ballroom plan includes bomb shelters, medical facilities, shielding from drones and missiles and other security features that are “all tied together as one big, expensive, and very complex unit.”

The D.C. Circuit’s opinion said national security arguments “are not an automatic get-out-of-law-free card.”

The appeals court’s order did not permanently bar construction of a ballroom, but blocked above-ground efforts until the administration secures approval from Congress.

(Reporting by Mike Scarcella, with additional reporting by John Kruzel and Andrew Chung; Editing by David Bario, Rod Nickel and Lisa Shumaker)

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LAS VEGAS (AP) — The yearslong case against six Nevada Republicans who were accused of submitting a bogus certificate that falsely declared Donald Trump the winner of the state’s 2020 presidential election has been dismissed, a judge ruled Thursday.

The dismissal marks the latest setback in swing states’ efforts to prosecute fake electors who tried to keep Trump in the White House after he lost to Joe Biden in 2020.

Three other fake elector cases in Arizona, Michigan and Georgia have been dismissed. Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes recently dismissed her office’s criminal case but vowed to bring it back to a grand jury in hopes of securing another indictment. The dismissal was a legal maneuver aimed at getting around a deadline for starting new grand jury proceedings after Mayes lost an appeal earlier in June.

Nevada Attorney General Aaron Ford, who is also running for governor as a Democrat, brought charges relating to forgery and “offering a false instrument for filing or record” against the six Nevada Republicans, who pleaded not guilty.

His office plans to appeal the ruling.

The defendants included Michael McDonald, the chair of the Nevada Republican Party, and Jesse Law, the former chair of the Clark County Republican Party.

In a Thursday statement, McDonald’s defense attorney Richard Wright called the attorney general’s plans to appeal “hasty” and “premature” and said continuing the case was politically motivated.

After the 2020 election, the six Republican electors gathered outside of the Nevada Legislature to sign a certificate giving the state’s six electoral votes to Trump, despite Biden winning the state by more than 30,000 votes. The ceremony was broadcast online, and the video footage was used as evidence in the case.

The case has revolved around the defendants’ intent behind submitting the certificate.

Prosecutors argue the defendants intended for their documents to be mistaken for actual electoral votes that then-Vice President Mike Pence would count on Jan. 6, 2021.

The defendants say submitting the certificate was an act of “political theater” designed to publicize their concerns about the election. They were preserving their rights to challenge the official election results and had no intent to deceive a government agency into accepting the GOP certificate as real, their attorneys argued.

Nevada Judge Mary Kay Holthus agreed.

She found there was a lack of evidence that showed the electors intended to deceive government officials, and she determined that the state failed to disclose exculpatory evidence to the grand jury.

“The fact that Defendants openly announced both their actions and their asserted purpose, rather than concealing their conduct or attempting to secretly induce governmental reliance, weighs against a reasonable inference that they acted with fraudulent intent,” Holthus wrote in her ruling.

Jurisdiction had also been an issue, but the case eventually landed in Clark County, which is home to Las Vegas and leans Democratic.

The case was originally scheduled for a trial in Nevada’s capital of Carson City, but the attorney general’s office voluntarily dismissed the case to pursue it instead in Southern Nevada, which leans more Democratic.

Courts have dismissed similar cases in Michigan and Georgia, and a special prosecutor dropped a federal case in late 2024 that charged Trump with conspiring to overturn the 2020 election. Those cases ended after Trump defeated Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris in 2024. A fake electors case is ongoing in Wisconsin.

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COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) — U.S. Rep. Russell Fry endorsed Sen. Darline Graham in South Carolina’s Republican Senate primary runoff, saying on Friday that she should replace her late brother on general election ballots because of her ability to advance President Donald Trump’s agenda and her understanding of everyday people’s struggles.

Fry finished third in a special primary held Tuesday, when Graham and U.S. Rep. Ralph Norman advanced to the Aug. 25 runoff. His backing follows that of other powerful Republicans who have supported Graham, including Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina and Trump, whose early endorsement helped propel his own congressional career.

“President Trump needs fighters and allies in the Senate who will show up every day and get results,” Fry said in a news release. “I believe Darline Graham will be exactly that.”

Graham’s brother, Sen. Lindsey Graham, died suddenly last month. Darline Graham, was appointed to serve out the remainder of his current term, then opted to run for the seat, winning the biggest share of votes but not the majority needed to avoid a runoff.

The special primary, which took place just a month after Lindsey Graham’s death, meant a compressed and sometimes chaotic campaign for the 10 candidates who ran to replace him.

Much of the most heated rhetoric volleyed back and forth between Fry and a political action committee supporting Darline Graham, which ran ads pointing out that Trump — who initially said Fry would be an “outstanding” pick for the seat — passed him over to back Graham instead.

Graham’s brother was a top Senate ally for Trump, to whom she has also closely tied herself in her campaign. Both Fry and Graham have often mentioned their humble origins as a touchpoint for understanding kitchen table issues, something Fry noted he had in common with Graham.

“Darline knows what it means to struggle, persevere, and keep fighting when life deals you a difficult hand,” Fry said of the 62-year-old Graham, who had a hardscrabble upbringing and was ultimately adopted by her older brother after their parents died when she was young. “Those experiences shaped her, and I believe they give her a real understanding of the challenges families across South Carolina face.”

Trump had stumped for Fry in his first House campaign in 2022, when the state lawmaker ousted a five-term GOP congressman who had voted to impeach Trump a year earlier.

Matt Gorman, a GOP strategist and former senior adviser to Scott, suggested that Fry’s endorsement of Graham was a political calculation for the 41-year-old, two-term congressman, who has seen the ramifications for some Republicans who have crossed Trump.

“Russell is a smart guy with a long career ahead of him,” Gorman said. “It makes zero sense to get crosswise with either President Trump or Tim Scott. If he wants to, Fry will get another shot at the seat because Graham or Norman won’t be there multiple decades.”

The GOP runoff’s winner will face Democratic nominee Dr. Annie Andrews in November’s general election. No Democrat has won a U.S. Senate seat in South Carolina in decades.

___

Meg Kinnard can be reached at http://x.com/MegKinnardAP.

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ARLINGTON, Iowa (AP) — Farmer Tim Burrack had concerns about the Republican nominee for Iowa governor — and he wasn’t the only one.

The conservative voter from northeast Iowa said he didn’t know Zach Lahn before the political newcomer “came out of nowhere” with a surprise GOP primary win over the candidate endorsed by President Donald Trump. So when Lahn came to his farm last week, Burrack questioned him on his approach to agriculture.

“I hit him pretty hard,” said Burrack, who was considering whether to vote for Lahn in November or not vote at all.

It wasn’t the first skeptical audience for the self-described “change candidate” in the state led by Republicans.

Lahn won the June primary even though an “entire establishment was set up against me,” he said. He criticizes politicians in both parties, accusing them of being bought by corporate interests. His bid for governor will test how an anti-establishment conservative fares with a general electorate — and with traditional Republicans — a decade after Trump’s own brand of populism reshaped the GOP.

While Iowa Republicans have an electoral advantage, Lahn entered the general election with a lower public profile than his Democratic opponent, state Auditor Rob Sand. Democrats see an opportunity to win this cycle in once-competitive Iowa, where high costs, health clinic closures, manufacturing job losses and a struggling agricultural economy weigh on voters.

Lahn talks about bringing a “different message” to Iowans who aren’t satisfied with the trajectory of Iowa’s small towns, public education or cancer rates, even after years of Republican control of state government. But only three months before Election Day, Lahn acknowledged he needs to keep getting out in front of people to address their questions and concerns.

“I think, for the most part, a lot of people just have never heard my message,” Lahn said after the event at Burrack’s farm in Arlington. “The more we’ve met with people, the more they understand where our priorities lie, the more they say, ‘We are with you.’”

Some of Lahn’s ideas challenge the Republican Party’s status quo. Among them is his approach to agriculture and embrace of the “Make America Healthy Again” movement, which has prompted questions in the state that’s among the nation’s top producers of corn, soybeans, red meat and ethanol. Lahn promotes regenerative farming; emphasizes a link between high nitrate-loaded water and cancer; and questions the safety of agrochemicals.

Before Lahn took the stage in Arlington to talk agriculture, farmer Lance Lillibridge, a former president of the Iowa Corn Growers Association, told the couple hundred Iowans there that the goal was to “get the air clear.”

In front of a huge American flag and sandwiched between two freshly washed John Deere tractors, Lahn said, “We farm a bit weird” on his own Iowa acres, growing oats, alfalfa and einkorn along with corn and beans.

But he told the crowd he wants to fund farmers’ efforts to diversify their operations, not force Iowans to farm like him. He said targeting “big ag” means filing antitrust lawsuits against corporate conglomerates that sell seed and fertilizer and taxing out-of-state investors consolidating Iowa acres, not stepping on family farms. He wants to see more incentives to improve water quality but wouldn’t try to outright ban agrochemicals.

Burrack, like Lahn, says that they won’t agree on everything. But after talking with Lahn, he called himself a supporter.

At another stop, a few dozen faces crowded at the back of a coffee shop in Hampton, Iowa, just after the lunch rush. Many of them were familiar with each other but less so with the candidate they came to see. Among them were Jay and Sally Van Wert, retired farmer and teacher, who said Lahn seemed like a nice guy, but they didn’t know much else.

Several Iowans attending some of Lahn’s first publicly advertised events since the primary said they only knew what they’ve seen in advertisements from Sand’s campaign. The ads call Lahn a “part-time Iowan” and reference dozens of occasions where Lahn piloted his private plane to and from Kansas since launching his campaign.

“Is he going all the time to Kansas?” asked Larry Streicher, 84, a Republican farmer in the front row in Arlington. “We don’t know anything about him.”

Lahn said he left Iowa for college like so many others but wanted to come home, amplifying a nostalgia for Iowa culture and heritage that resonated with voters, not unlike Trump’s “Make America Great Again” message.

He left Iowa again to start a private school funded by the Koch family, which opened in Kansas in 2018. He co-founded the school with his now-wife, Annie, who had been married to Chase Koch, son of conservative billionaire Charles Koch.

Lahn told the crowds he and Annie moved into their Belle Plaine, Iowa, homestead in 2023 after finishing renovations. Lahn bought the farm that had been in his family for a century but sold it after his great-grandmother died.

Douglas Puffett, a farmer from Strawberry Point and member of his county’s GOP central committee, said Lahn’s story is like so many other Iowans’ and his vision for Iowa is driven by what drew him back.

“That’s how you inspire the next generation,” said the 40-year-old, who appreciates that Lahn, also 40, is young and has young kids.

Lahn has explained that trips to Kansas are due to his blended family, which includes children from his and Annie’s previous marriages. He doesn’t comment on whether he would travel or use taxpayer resources to do so if elected governor, saying it would not impact his ability to govern.

Puffett, who attended Lahn’s Arlington event, thinks 10 years of Republican trifecta have given Sand an opening to appeal to people who might be unhappy with the “Republican establishment,” he said, but Lahn “stacks up really nice” with his calls for reform.

“I think it’s time to kind of roll over the leadership of the Republican Party here in Iowa,” he said.

Gov. Kim Reynolds’ decision to not seek a third term gave Republicans their first wide-open primary since 2010, and five candidates were on the ballot. Lahn overtook U.S. Rep. Randy Feenstra by less than a percentage point, or about 1,650 more votes.

Lahn told crowds that he only met Reynolds after the primary, a signal of his distance from Iowa politics. Speaking at the state party’s fundraiser in July, he joked about all the donors who “haven’t been returning my calls” all being in one room.

Since his primary win, Lahn has met with party leaders and Iowa’s prominent industry groups. His campaign spent the summer ramping up fundraising, staff and organizing infrastructure.

State Rep. Bobby Kaufmann, who is the majority leader of House Republicans, said there may be some differences of opinion or “curiosities, not concerns” about Lahn’s positions, but added that’s always the case.

Kaufmann met Lahn earlier this year, voted for him in June and said there’s been a “full embrace” of the nominee. He said Lahn is not a traditional candidate, but that’s what makes his campaign energizing for Republicans who are “constantly craving new leadership.”

“I think it began back in 2016 with President Trump,” Kaufmann said. “Republicans don’t rest on our laurels.”

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By Humeyra Pamuk

WASHINGTON, Aug 14 (Reuters) – U.S. President Donald Trump is set to showcase falling violent crime rates on Friday as evidence that his law-and-order agenda is working, seeking to shift attention away from economic concerns that have dented his approval ratings ahead of November’s midterm elections.

Trump will visit the Nassau County Police Academy in New York to unveil 2025 data from the Federal Bureau of Investigation that a White House official says will show the largest year-to-year decline in violent crime on record.

FBI Director Kash Patel and newly sworn-in Attorney General Todd Blanche are expected to join the president at the event with police.

The appearance comes as Republicans look for issues that resonate with swing voters amid concerns about inflation and the economic fallout from the war with Iran, while casting Democrats as out of step on public safety.

“President Trump promised to make America safe again and the data proves he has done just that,” White House spokeswoman Lauren Bis said.

According to excerpts from the FBI report shared by the White House before its publication, murder and non-negligent manslaughter decreased an estimated 18.1% in 2025 while robberies fell an estimated 18.5%.

Some violent crimes, including homicides, surged at the end of the first Trump administration during the COVID pandemic to the highest levels in decades. But the data shows that the subsequent fall predates Trump’s return to office, with homicide rates plummeting in 2023 and 2024 to pre-pandemic lows.

The decline has occurred in cities big and small, in places with officials touting both aggressive policing and progressive police reform and with both a high density and low density of police officers, suggesting no single policy explains the nationwide trend.

Trump has long complained of a “crime epidemic,” particularly in Democratic-run cities, and used that message to justify aggressive federal intervention, including last year’s deployment of federal agents and National Guard troops to Washington.

Trump’s touting of the crime decline comes as he has also sought in recent months to make socialism and communism a defining theme in the midterms. He has recently intensified attacks on self-described democratic socialist New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani and other progressive candidates.

Democrats say Republicans are overstating the role of federal policy in a crime decline that began before Trump returned to office, and progressives have largely backed away from supporting the “defund the police” movement that emerged after George Floyd’s murder in 2020.

They now say policing should be reformed while arguing that immigration officers, who have killed two U.S. citizens, have made communities less safe.

(Reporting by Humeyra Pamuk; Additional reporting by Dan Rosenzweig-Ziff and Brad Heath; Editing by Colleen Jenkins and Stephen Coates)

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LEESBURG, Fla. (AP) — Cyn Doyle is a self-described political cynic. So when David Jolly, the Republican-turned-independent who is now running for Florida governor as a Democrat, swung through this town dotted by lakes and Spanish moss, she had doubts.

“How can you assure us,” the 71-year-old pressed, “that you won’t become another John Fetterman?”

As the crowd in the clubhouse of a manufactured home community for seniors jeered the mention of the contrarian Pennsylvania Democratic senator, Jolly, who once critiqued politicians as an MSNBC pundit, made the case for himself.

“Change is part of my journey,” he responded. “What I can tell you is that the values I speak of — that the economy should work, that government can do a little bit to improve our lives and that everyone should have the right to be protected — those are the guideposts for how I’ll serve as governor.”

Doyle, an independent who said she’s a registered Democrat mostly to participate in primaries, left impressed.

“I believe him,” she said. “I don’t believe many.”

Florida spent a generation as America’s prized political battleground, where the interests of big cities, agricultural towns, freshly arrived retirees and diverse Latino communities collided in elections often decided by fractions of a percentage point.

Jolly is bent on proving those days aren’t over.

In the course of a single day last weekend, he rallied a chandeliered ballroom in The Villages, a wealthy Republican-leaning retirement community. Then it was off to the fluorescent lights of the Leesburg clubhouse before ending with a rousing speech to Democrats in Hillsborough County, home to Tampa, which backed a Republican presidential candidate for the first time in 20 years in 2024.

President Donald Trump’s rise has coincided with a Democratic collapse in Florida. He won here three times, with ever-expanding margins. The 19-percentage-point win by Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis in 2022 cemented a GOP supermajority in the legislature.

Jolly’s path to victory could be blocked by both math and money in his likely race against Rep. Byron Donalds, the Trump-backed candidate in Tuesday’s Republican primary. Donalds, who would be Florida’s first Black governor, has raised more than $100 million compared to Jolly’s $10 million.

Donalds has cast Jolly as an out-of-touch liberal, blanketing the state this week with an ad featuring Jolly referring to “gender-affirming care” and backing communities painting rainbow crosswalks to show support for LGBTQ people. Jolly countered that Donalds is ignoring pressing economic issues.

In an interview over an Outback Steakhouse lunch while his wife and two young children busied themselves with coloring, Jolly acknowledged “there’s not going to be the political will” to reverse the state’s ban on transgender girls and women participating on female teams at public schools and universities.

He said he didn’t think governors should decide who plays in what sports even as he described himself as a “girl dad” and noted “I don’t think we should have biologically born men playing in competitive sports.”

“But look,” he added, “if a 10- or 12-year-old soccer league in the community has a coed team, I don’t think the governor should be throwing a flag on the field.”

For all the headwinds confronting Jolly, Republicans may encounter their own turbulence.

The culture wars that have raged under DeSantis, including a feud with Disney and fights over gender and sexual orientation, have left some exhausted. Karen Kuhn, a 72-year-old resident at The Villages, described herself as in “despair.”

Democrats have won a string of special elections from Miami to Palm Beach and Tampa, adding to their optimism. Former GOP Rep. Carlos Curbelo said Latinos who voted for Trump in 2024 might not support Republicans again, in part because of the administration’s immigration enforcement tactics.

“I definitely can see a scenario where it’s a closer race, where it’s a competitive race,” said Curbelo, who narrowly lost his reelection bid in 2018, the last wave election year for Democrats.

Jolly is telling that to any Democrat who will listen, including those with potential presidential ambitions such as Govs. JB Pritzker of Illinois, Gavin Newsom of California, Andy Beshear of Kentucky and former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg. If Florida can change, he argues, the national political landscape would change with it.

“All of a sudden the road to the White House looks dramatically different,” Jolly said. “It reshapes the House of Representatives. The structural change from winning Florida is a generational opportunity for Democrats.”

It’s a point echoed by other Democrats, including state Rep. Emily Gregory, who flipped the Palm Beach district home to Trump’s Mar-a-Lago.

“To abandon Florida was deeply, deeply unwise,” she said. “I hope that investment is coming back because it is a purple state and I feel very confident going into November.”

Nikki Fried, the Florida Democratic Party chair, acknowledged “the bottom fell out” for Democrats. She has spent the past several years rebuilding the operation. Democrats charged with winning back state legislative and congressional seats are prioritizing some Florida races this year.

But Beshear, who chairs the Democratic Governors Association, isn’t making a financial commitment yet.

“David’s working really hard,” he said in an interview. “He’s a good candidate, and we’re watching it closely.”

Donalds’ campaign remains confident. His communications director, Gates McGavick, said: “Florida voters will reject radical liberal David Jolly because he will make life more expensive.”

“Byron Donalds will make life in Florida more affordable,” he said. “Our campaign will make that case to voters every single day.”

Jolly is an unlikely figure cajoling Democrats to think about their future.

He first gained national attention in 2014 as the GOP winner of a Tampa Bay congressional seat that was seen as a bellwether. In a Democratic Party that emphasizes diversity, Jolly regularly refers to himself as a “53-year-old white former Republican with salt-and-pepper hair.” His time in Congress runs counter to voters elevating fresher voices this year.

During stump speeches, he says he was a “Bush 41” Republican. He left the GOP in 2018, spending several years as an independent before registering as a Democrat in 2025.

Orange County Mayor Jerry Demings, who challenged Jolly until suspending his campaign in June and announcing he had prostate cancer, acknowledged Florida Democrats have to appeal to independents. But he also said “people don’t want a chameleon.”

“That’s the big challenge that he’s had, is convincing people that he has stepped away from the Republican policies,” Demings said.

Others were more forgiving.

Sylvia Rieger, a 70-year-old resident at The Villages, said Jolly’s evolution showed “moxie.”

Steven Slyter, an 81-year-old retired handwriting expert, said it was “courageous” for Jolly to leave his party. “He made a decision about what he stands for,” Slyter said. “I like that.”

Florida’s last Democratic candidate for governor, Charlie Crist, was also a former Republican. After his drubbing by DeSantis, several Democrats said Jolly was campaigning more effectively.

Facing minimal primary competition, Jolly has largely avoided debates over the party’s ideological future. He’s won support from progressives including Rep. Maxwell Frost while shoring up his centrist credentials by picking former Rep. Gwen Graham, the daughter of longtime Sen. Bob Graham, as his running mate.

Some Jolly supporters are hoping that his poly-party background will be an asset.

Jeff Adelman is running for a nonpartisan seat on the Coral Springs City Commission in Broward County. As he left a recent meeting of the Coral Springs Parkland Democratic Club, he described Jolly as a potentially unique fit for the state.

“We live in Florida,” he said. “I don’t think you’re going to get somebody like Bernie Sanders to run for governor in the state of Florida.”

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PORTLAND, Maine (AP) — Former Maine Democratic Senate nominee Graham Platner is scheduled to be the featured speaker at a Labor Day rally in what may be one of his first public appearances since ending his campaign.

Platner won Maine’s Democratic primary for the right to challenge veteran Republican Sen. Susan Collins, but he dropped out in July after Politico reported that a former girlfriend said he sexually assaulted her. Platner denied the allegation but said at the time he left the race that he was stepping aside because of the importance of defeating Collins.

Platner will appear at an event organized by Hancock County Activists called “Labor Day Rally for Labor” at Ellsworth City Hall, near his hometown, organizers said. Hancock County Democrats posted a notice about the event on the party’s website, but removed the reference to Platner on Thursday afternoon.

“The rally will kick off a series of events leading up to the primaries, with musical performances and featured speaker Graham Platner, who will talk about the history of unions and the important role organized labor has played in our communities and our country,” the notice initially stated.

The event is not being hosted or organized by the Hancock County Democratic Committee and it has no affiliation with the Maine Democratic Party, a party source said. Posting information about the event online was consistent with Hancock County Democrats’ past practice, said Marcia Myers, chair of the county Democratic committee.

“We felt people should be aware of it, and informed about it,” said Myers. “It’s certainly notable that Graham Platner is a person scheduled to speak. We post this as information for people and they can decide whether to attend or not.”

Platner spoke at the rally last year, said Carol Leonard, who works with the community organization group Acadia Action, which is also helping to host the event. He’s not expected to talk about the campaign, but instead will focus on the history of the U.S. labor movement, she said.

The state party hastily called a special convention and nominated former state Senate President Troy Jackson after Platner dropped out.

Platner has kept a low profile since dropping out of the race and did not respond to requests for comment.

Jenny Racicot, who has accused Platner of sexual assault, and Lyndsey Fifield, who has accused Platner of domestic abuse, said in a joint statement Thursday that Platner is “trying to sweep the truth under the rug and pretend things are back to normal.” The Associated Press does not usually identify victims of abuse, but Racicot and Fifield came forward on their own. Platner has denied the allegations.

The Maine Republican Party also criticized Democrats for the event.

“If Graham Platner is still a heroic leader for Maine Democrats, as this speaking event indicates, their party is out of touch with Maine,” said Maine Republican Party spokeswoman Kristina Parker, adding that Maine voters were “disgusted” by Platner’s actions.

Platner, 41, is an oyster farmer and combat veteran who filled theaters around Maine with his booming voice and progressive politics. He has no experience in elected office, but fashioned a campaign focused on working-class issues such as the high costs of housing and healthcare.

Platner’s campaign was beset with controversies for months. Among them, media reports emerged that the candidate had previously exchanged sexually explicit text messages with several women while he was married. He also had a tattoo recognized as a Nazi symbol, which he said he didn’t realize until he was several weeks into the campaign. He later had it covered up with a different design.

Platner grew up in Sullivan, a tiny town near Ellsworth and about 170 miles up the coast from Portland.

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Associated Press writer Kimberlee Kruesi contributed to this report from Providence, Rhode Island.

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(Refiled to correct the spelling of a last name in the third paragraph)

By Dan Rosenzweig-Ziff, Brad Heath and Kristina Cooke

WASHINGTON, Aug 13 (Reuters) – The Trump administration has repeatedly said the fight against sex trafficking is one of its top priorities.

But investigations have stalled and prosecutions declined in the past six months because of staffing shortages, funding cuts, immigration enforcement and growing distrust of the government among victims, according to Reuters interviews with 25 former prosecutors, current agents and victims’ advocates, and a review of federal court records.

“You can’t say something is a priority and then not provide the resources to make that happen,” said Jacqueline Kelly, a former federal prosecutor in New York who led the prosecution of rapper and actor Sean “Diddy” Combs, who was accused of sex trafficking and was convicted last year on two counts of transportation for prostitution.

Federal sex-trafficking charges have dropped this year to the slowest pace since 2010. The Justice Department charged 73 people through June, about 22% lower than the number of people charged during the first half of the past three years, court records show.

Charges for related crimes also declined. The DOJ charged 1,230 people child pornography violations through June, 3% less than average for the same months over the past three years. It charged 318 people with violating the Mann Act, which targets interstate prostitution, 18% less than average.

These drops reflect a larger shift in federal law enforcement priorities under President Donald Trump, who has slashed agency budgets and mandated a focus on deportations. People charged with crimes unrelated to immigration – everything from tax evasion to drug trafficking – dropped 7% through June to about 22,000, according to the court records.

The findings come just as Congress has confirmed Trump nominee Todd Blanche as Attorney General in a 50-to-49 vote with two Republicans defecting. His candidacy faced a bipartisan backlash over the handling of documents related to convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein and a transfer to a minimum-security prison granted to his accomplice, Ghislaine Maxwell, shortly after Blanche personally interviewed her.

Blanche recently told Congress combating human trafficking “remains a Department priority given the gravity of the harm it causes.” The administration also appointed a new national coordinator for child exploitation and human trafficking, Alessandra Serano, a career prosecutor.

Serano said in statements to Reuters that the department was committed to combating sex trafficking. She said the drop in prosecutions might have resulted from prosecutors and investigators spending time litigating a large number of ongoing cases that have pulled those officials away from opening new ones.

Department of Homeland Security spokeswoman Katherine Currie declined to comment on the Reuters review of sex-trafficking cases. She said in a statement that the department is committed to both immigration and sex-crimes enforcement and touted its “unwavering dedication to dismantling human-trafficking networks.”

AGENTS PULLED AWAY, SEASONED PROSECUTORS GONE

Sex-trafficking cases are among the toughest to investigate and prosecute, requiring the untangling of psychological abuse, tracking illicit finances and securing the trust of traumatized victims.

Dozens of veterans with experience prosecuting sex-trafficking cases have recently left the department, according to seven former prosecutors who have worked such cases. During part of last year, the majority of all HSI agents were assigned to immigration, according to current agents and previous Reuters reporting.

In some U.S. attorney’s offices, the shortage is so acute that the remaining agents working sex-trafficking cases can’t find prosecutors to pursue their cases, agents and former prosecutors say.

Serano said attrition is normal in these jobs because working sex-trafficking cases “takes a toll on people more than other types of cases,” though the recently departed prosecutors said more people had left than is typical. Serano added that the department is actively hiring to fill these roles.

To measure the department’s sex-crimes enforcement effort, Reuters obtained the dockets of every publicly-filed federal criminal case over the past two decades from Westlaw, a Thomson Reuters legal research service. In some cases, Reuters used artificial intelligence to help classify charges. A review of a random set of records showed its assessments to be 98% accurate.

The Justice Department said its own data showed a smaller decrease, but it declined to explain how it reached those conclusions or to provide case numbers correlating to the prosecutions it counted. Reuters could not replicate the DOJ’s results using a public version of its database.

The data examined by Reuters, from court records, showed a long-term trend of declining sex-trafficking cases over the past decade. Sources attributed the trend in part to the Justice Department’s increased focus on more time-consuming cases against higher-profile offenders.

But under Trump, such prosecutions have been hampered by the focus on immigration, the departure of agents and prosecutors and cuts to grants to groups supporting sex-trafficking victims. One veteran federal agent, speaking on condition of anonymity, said sex-trafficking has not been a priority since Trump took office and launched his mass-deportations campaign. With fewer agents dedicated to sex-trafficking, many active investigations are essentially frozen and new files are rarely opened, seven former prosecutors and three agents told Reuters.

“The administration is throwing sand in the gears in 10,000 different ways,” said Martina Vandenberg, president of the Human Trafficking Legal Center, whose organization worked with partners to file a petition for the release of a cooperating trafficking victim from detention.

One former prosecutor in the southern United States said her office’s sex-trafficking investigations were crippled when several Homeland Security Investigations agents working them were reassigned to other priorities, including immigration raids. In other jurisdictions, people familiar with federal enforcement operations said supervisors were forced to bargain for the few remaining agents available for sex-trafficking probes.

When agents get reassigned, sometimes to new cities, it disrupts fragile relationships with sex-trafficking victims and witnesses, who often don’t have phones or stable housing. That means cases can fall apart, said one federal agent.

One trafficking survivor in New England saw her case languish after agents said they’d been diverted to immigration enforcement, according to a staffer at a local advocacy organization who had been working with the survivor.

Such reassignments send the message to victims that their cases and their safety are not a priority, said the advocate, who spoke on condition of anonymity to ensure confidentiality for the sex-trafficking survivor the advocate had been helping. The survivor was subsequently forced back into sex work but no longer wants to involve federal authorities, the advocate said.

An FBI spokesperson said agents who had been shifted to immigration had been working on areas including sex-trafficking but that the transfers didn’t change their responsibility to investigate these crimes. The official did not comment on whether the transfers contributed to the decline in sex-trafficking prosecutions.

GRANTS DISAPPEAR, TRUST ERODES

As personnel have vanished, so has the financial safety net designed to keep victims stable enough to testify.

The Justice Department’s Office of Justice Programs typically distributes roughly $90 million annually in grants to support trafficking victims. These funds flow to nonprofit organizations providing emergency housing, food and mental health counseling.

But grantees said some of these grants have been delayed or frozen in Trump’s efforts to cut federal spending. Associate Attorney General Stanley Woodward said in a statement that most grants from last year have been awarded, without providing figures, and the department is reviewing the remaining applications to ensure they align with administration priorities.

Alan Smyth, the executive director of Los Angeles-based Saving Innocence, saw two federal grants totaling $700,000 delayed for nearly a year. While the organization survived, other groups told Reuters they have been forced to end some programs or stop providing services because of lost grants.

Historically, federal prosecutors have offered so-called T-visas, granting legal immigration status to trafficking victims as an incentive to cooperate with law enforcement.

The administration approved 354 T-visas in the first six months of the current fiscal year that ends in September – or about half the typical pace over the past decade, according to Department of Homeland Security data. More than 71,000 T visa applications are pending.

Two former prosecutors told Reuters their respective U.S. Attorney’s offices halted the practice of supporting T-visa applications. Serano said prosecutors and paralegals across the country still work with DHS to verify victims’ cooperation but that DHS ultimately decides on their visa applications.

Several immigration attorneys also said that clients actively cooperating on sex-trafficking probes had been detained by immigration authorities, halting criminal investigations. In Michigan last year, a Chinese woman who had been sex-trafficked in California was detained by ICE despite having a T-visa application pending since 2022, said her attorney, Laura Berger.

“If I can’t guarantee a victim won’t be locked up, how can I ethically tell them to cooperate with federal agents?” Berger asked.

The loss of that trust, as well as staffing, funding and expertise, could have long-lasting consequences, said Jean Bruggeman, co-executive director of the anti-trafficking organization Freedom Network USA.

“It’s hitting that tipping point where important pillars are starting to fall, which will bring down the entire anti-trafficking structure,” she said. “Rebuilding it could take years.”

(Reporting by Dan Rosenzweig-Ziff, Kristina Cooke and Brad Heath; editing by Michael Learmonth, Richard Valdmanis and Brian Thevenot)

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